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Sense Tribunal

The Fugitives (2004) - 52 min

The film reveals the secrets of Radovan Karadzic`s and Ratko Mladic`s nine year flight from international justice, the price that Bosnia - Herzegovina, in particular Republika Srpska, is paying for their continued freedom and the evidence presented in the Tribunal courtrooms over the past years showing their personal role in the crimes for which they were indicted.Former and present Chief Prosecutors Richard Goldstone, Louise Arbour and Carla Del Ponte, the High Representative Paddy Ashdown, Bosnian Serb politicians Milorad Dodik and Dragan Kalinic, economist Zarko Papic, Professor Miodrag Zivanovic, journalists Zeljko Kopanja, Dragan Davidovic and Seki Radoncic and others discuss these and other topics in the film "The Fugitives".

Transcript

The Case of Dr. Radovan Karadžić and General Ratko Mladić


RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ


Photo is very poor I can give them much better photo.

RATKO MLADIĆ

They would like to tie up our generals and take them to The Hague, while they strut around and hand out leaflets and propaganda to our children . . .

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ

They can’t arrest me and they should not think of that.

RATKO MLADIĆ

This can be defined as yet another modern tomfoolery of 20th century civilization.

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ

I don’t know how long it is going this farse of the court in The Hague going to last but I think it is going to last untill our elections or the lections in the US.

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ, BH Parliament, 14 October 1991

What you are doing is not good. The road that you want to take Bosnia and Herzegovina down is the same highway to hell and suffering that Slovenia and Croatia have taken. Do not think that you will not take Bosnia and Herzegovina to hell and the Muslim people perhaps to annihilation, because the Muslim people cannot defend themselves if the war breaks out here.


FOUR YEARS AND 200000 VICTIMS LATER


RATKO MLADIĆ, Srebrenica, 11 July 1995


Here we are in the Serb Srebrenica on 11 July 1995, on the eve of yet another great Serbian feast, we present this town to the Serb people and finally the time has come to take our revenge on the Turks after the rebellion against the dahijas.

NARATOR

What happened in the meantime, between Karadzić`s speech in October 1991 and Mladić`s statement in July 1995, has been qualified in the indictments against the Bosnian Serb political leader and military commander as crimes against humanity, violations of laws and customs of war, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, and finally, the ultimate crime – genocide. Indictments against Karadzić and Mladić were issued in July and November 1995; a year later, since the two accused failed to appear before the Tribunal, a special hearing was held to allow the prosecution to present some of its evidence against them.

MARK HARMON, July 1996

I would like to emphasise that my remarks today are directed at the individual criminal responsibility of Dr. Karadžić and General Mladić alone and not at the Serbian people. We have not indicted the Serbian people for these crimes.
We are repelled by notions of collective guilt, and by our two indictments of Dr. Karadžić and General Mladić, we accuse, in unequivocal terms, two individuals whom we allege are two of the persons who instigated, planned and ordered the genocide and the "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia and Herzegovina, crimes which have shocked the conscience of the world.

NARATOR

Evidence of all the crimes listed in the indictment against Karadžić and Mladić has already been presented at the Tribunal, when the actual perpetrators were tried. Sentences have been passed on those responsible for the crimes in the notorious Prijedor camps: Omarska, Keraterm and Trnopolje; for the killings in Vinegar and Brčko; for the rapes and sexual enslavement in Foča; for the wanton shelling of Sarajevo and a campaign of terror carried out by snipers targeting civilians; for the ethnic cleansing and destruction of towns and villages throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina; for the genocide in Srebrenica. The only allegation in the Karadžić-Mladić indictment that no one has been tried for yet is the taking of hundreds of UN personnel as hostages and their use as human shields in May 1995.

BILJANA PLAVŠIĆ, 17 December 2002

I have now been convinced and I accept that many thousands of innocent people were victims of an organized, systematic effort to remove Muslims and Croats from the territory clamed by Serbs. At that time, I easily convinced myself that this was a matter of survival and self defense. In fact, it was more – our leadership of which I was a necessary part – led an effort which victimized countless innocent people.

NARATOR

In addition to Biljana Plavšić – member of the wartime Presidency and former president of Republika Srpska – some fifteen immediate perpetrators have pleaded guilty for the crimes listed in the Karadžić-Mladić indictment.

DRAŽEN ERDEMOVIĆ, 31 May 1996

I had to do it. If I had refused to do it, I would have been killed together with those men.

NARATOR

The Tribunal courtrooms heard the dramatic confessions and expressions of remorse of those who took part in the mass executions in Srebrenica, of camp commanders and guards who had killed, tortured and humiliated their prisoners, forcing them to live in inhumane conditions; of police officers responsible for murders and massacres. All of them are potential prosecution witnesses at the trial of Karadžić and Mladić – when and if they ever appear in The Hague. Some of them have indeed taken the opportunity to send a message from the courtroom to their former leaders:

MIROSLAV DERONJIĆ, 2 February 2004

Today they hide, and they used to say they were heroes. They used to say they were religious. How is it possible then that they fear the justice in this World? What about the justice that awaits us all?


PROSECUTION EXHIBIT

INTERCEPT : MILOŠEVIĆ-KARADŽIĆ 24 Oktober 1991


RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ


They do not mean to abolish… They mean to do things unlawfully, but we will respond with every means we have. We will establish Yugoslavia in all areas where we live. We have our Constitution, and if they abolish their BH Constitution, we will rely on an act which precedes it, and that is the Federal Constitution.

SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ

Yes, yes, fine, but they are surely not stupid enough to go further down that road.

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ

No, they want The Hague, or rather Europe, to present them with a state in which we too would be locked by international treaties within existing borders. We cannot allow that. We have to prepare everything, and we have prepared everything to create a fait accompli on which they will break their teeth. They simply must break their teeth. We… we will not live with them in any state, at any price.

MARK HARMON

The two men accused in these indictments were the most powerful leaders in the Republika Srpska when these crimes were committed.As you have heard from our evidence, Dr. Karadžić was the President of the Serbian Democratic Party, the Serbian Nationalist Party that played such a prominent role in the events leading up to and during the war.
RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ

Six hundred years have passed since we lost the Serbian state, and Karadjordje`s uprising aimed at its restoration has been going on for 200 years. The events today are simply the conclusion of Karadjordje`s uprising.

MARK HARMON

Our evidence shows that both as the head of the SDS and as the President of the Republika Srpska, Dr. Karadžić`s power has been pervasive. As he said in a February 12th 1996 interview, and I quote, "I am absolutely fully involved. Everything concerning the Serb Republic is in my hands".

RATKO MLADIĆ

Don`t let me hear another word from you. Get out of here, you`ve shamed yourself. Don’t say another word, soldier. Who are you to speak to me at all.

MARK HARMON

General Ratko Mladić is the second person accused in these indictments. After the JNA "officially withdrew" from Bosnia and Herzegovina on 19th May 1992, the BSA, Bosnian Serb Army, replaced it. This transformation of the Yugoslav National Army into the Bosnian Serb Army amounted to nothing more than changing the letterhead on the stationery, and General Mladić, a career JNA officer, fit comfortably at its helm.

NARATOR

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the Dayton Agreement. One of its provisions is that persons accused of war crimes cannot hold any public or political office. Despite that, Karadžić defiantly held on to both his functions: as the president of Republika Srpska and the president of the ruling Serbian Democratic Party, doing all he could – and he could do quite a lot – to sabotage the implementation of the peace agreement.

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ 4 July 1996

The international community is pressuring me not only to resign, but to not be involved in party matters and to not support our candidates. For them, the opponent is not Radovan Karadžić but the SDS

NARATOR

His arrest and transfer to The Hague would, of course, be the most logical solution, but no one was willing to risk a military operation, and even less, to risk a possible violent reprisal by Karadžić`s followers. Alternative solutions were sought, fuelling suspicions that a deal would be cut, at the expense of the Tribunal and of justice.

NICOLAS BURNS, State Department spokesman, 24 May 1996

The answer from the US is no deal. The US will not agree to any deal for Karadžić and Mladić. They are indicted war criminals . The only deal for them is to be arrested & brought to the Hague for prosecution, for trial as war criminals.

CARL BILDT, High representative in BH, 2 July 1996

We cannot tolerate Mr Karadžić having any sort of public function.. If people call themselves Donald Duck or the Emperor of China, I don’t really care. They can call themselves whatever they want if it’s just that. If there is any substance to it, this is different. It is the substance that is of concern and Dr Karadžić is a non-person.

NARATOR

In spite of his repeated statements that he "did not recognize" the Tribunal, Karadžić sent three lawyers to represent him at a special hearing in the summer of 1996. All three lawyers had proper powers of attorney.

IGOR PANTELIĆ, 27 June 1996

I am Igor Pantelić attorney at law from Belgrade and I am acting as defense counsel of DR Radovan Karadžić, on behalf of Dr Radovan Karadžić

NARATOR

Igor Pantelić was followed a week later by American lawyers Edward Medven and Thomas Henley III, both with freshly signed powers of attorney, written on the official letterhead and stamped with the "President of Republika Srpska" seal. At the same time, some Serbian, American and Greek lawyers tried to enter into negotiations with the prosecution, offering documents which according to them proved Karadžić or Mladić innocent, and enquiring about any advantages the accused might receive if they surrendered…

LOUISE ARBOUR, former Chief prosecutor

Our only interest was in engaging in discussion regarding their surrender. We were not particularly interested in pursuing these interminable discussions about: well you should look into these documents that would show he is a wonderful man. Waste of time as far as I am concerned. So we did engage in some, sort of, exploratory surrender models.

NARATOR

In the first round of talks, Karadžić allegedly insisted on being tried in the territory of Republika Srpska. He then agreed to be tried in The Hague, with a provision that if convicted, he could serve his sentence in an Orthodox country. At one point he seemed to be on the brink of surrendering, but his wife allegedly would not let him.

MOMČILO KRAJIŠNIK, 11 April 1998

I have made enquries this morning. I was in touch with Mr. Karadžić`s wife. I don`t know where he is, I don’t know, I haven`t had any contacts with him, so that the claims about his voluntary surrender are out of the question and totally unfounded.

NARATOR

The mission to neutralize Karadžić was entrusted to the American "diplomatic magician" Richard Holbrooke, who had gone into banking in the meantime. In mid-July 1996 he was reactivated and sent to Belgrade with the mission to eliminate Karadžić from the public stage and from politics, thus alleviating the pressure for his arrest. The only instruction he received before he was sent on the mission was "to do something with his old creative ambiguity." This is precisely what happened. After ten hours of talks with the then presidents of Yugoslavia and Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic and Milan Milutinovic, and a Bosnian Serb delegation, who were in constant contact over the phone with Karadžić in Pale, in the small hours, Richard Holbrooke appeared before the reporters, triumphant, with a statement worthy of his "old creative ambiguity":

RICHARD HOLBROOKE, 19 July 1996

As of this morning, Karadžić is no longer president of Republica Srpska. He has relinquished the office and all powers associated thereto. Madam Plavšić is the temporary acting president and she will remain in that position until the elections pick a new president.
Number two – Dr Karadžić states that he shall withdraw immediately and permanently from all political activities. He will not appear in public, or on radio, or television or the other media or means of communication or participate in any way in the elections and I want to stress he knew what he was signing. He knew he was signing the end of his political career.

DRAGAN DAVIDOVIĆ, former minister in the RS government

No one honoured this agreement because Radovan Karadžić continued as the president of the Republic and the president of the Party, but, it seems to me, with the blessing both of the international community and the internal structures in RS.

DRAGAN KALINIĆ, former speaker of the RS Assembly

Sometime by the end of 1997, Mr. Karadžić moved freely in Pale, had contacts with his family, with close friends, there was nothing to indicate that there was a need for him to hide or that anyone was actively trying to arrest him

DRAGAN DAVIDOVIĆ

Even when his car passed by, SFOR patrols stood by while he passed. Everyone knew it. It lasted for three years, he went to work every day, regular as clockwork, and came back home every night.

RICHARD GOLDSTONE, former Chief prosecutor

In 1995 when they were indicted they could have been arrested. We knew where they were, the NATO forces, the armies knew where they were, they were traveling around. Of course they had bodyguards, according to reports. But you had the best equipped army in the world there. There can be no question, they could and should have been arrested.

MILORAD DODIK, former RS Prime minister

The official version was – if we come across them, we will arrest. This meant that you had to be lucky to come across someone, particularly if that person was hiding and did not want to meet you.

PADDY ASHDOWN, High Representative in BH

BH of the Balkans is the world capital of conspiracy theories. It’s the world capital of rumor mongering. Believe me; I’ve even seen a Bosnian newspaper that had Radovan Karadžić on the front page with the T-shirt on and Paddy Ashdown on the front of it, that I was protecting RK. Now - come on ...

RICHARD GOLDSTONE

I am not a great believer in those conspiracy theories. I think it was much simpler. It was absence, the lack of political will.

NARATOR

According to one of the conspiracy theories, Karadžić was offered about half a million US dollars to disappear into "golden exile". A former prime minister, now opposition leader in Republika Srpska, claims that, just before his disappearance, Karadžić took care of any rainy days that might come…

MILORAD DODIK

Sometime in the spring of 1997, when the deal with Holbrooke had already been struck for him to retire, Karadžić showed up in Banja Luka and 36 million German Marks were removed from the RS Central Bank in cash, in various banknotes, in different foreign currencies

ŽELJKO KOPANJA, Publisher, Nezavisne Novine, Banja Luka

If there is a deal between Holbrooke and Karadžić, then he is not a Serbian knight, not a hero, but a man who has US guarantees; yet on the other hand, he is turned into a mythical figure; the third aspect is that a priest in Pale was injured, the people are suffering and he sits comfortably in his chair, observing it all.

NARATOR

Judging by the transcripts of telephone intercepts made public at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic, General Mladić too tried to obtain protection from the Tribunal. In December 1995, just before the ceremony of the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords in Paris, Mladić asked for guarantees that he would not be handed over to the Tribunal in exchange for the release of the two French pilots who were shot down over Bosnia on 30 August 1995.


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL, 9 July 2003


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ


You say: "Mr. President, here is the deal. I am running after this idiot." I reply, "Nothing then, say we promise we will not surrender him." Is that right?

ZORAN LILIĆ

Yes.

SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ

Just like we have never surrendered anyone to this illegal court. "Yes. And give us the people," – I mean the pilots. Then you say: "Should I then give him my word?" I say: "Write to him that we will not surrender him to the Tribunal if he hands over the pilots."

ZORAN LILIĆ

From these intercepts you can see that it is even mentioned that Mr. Chirac is giving his support to him in a way and that this promise should be made to Ratko Mladić in order for the pilots to be released.

NARATOR

The French pilots were released two days before the ceremony in Paris. In addition to receiving written guarantees from the then presidents of Serbia and Yugoslavia (and, allegedly, similar guarantees from the French President Chirac), the accused had the chance to shake hands with the French Army Chief of Staff…

RATKO MLADIĆ

General, sir, convey my regards to France, its Army and its State. Thank you very much.


PROSECUTION EXHIBIT
Radovan Karadžić`s speech at the SDS Main Board, November 1991
RM: Mladić speaking.
MV: Yes, General Sir?
RM: What do you suggest we should target?
MV: Well, I ordered the three salvoes, the ones that you ordered a little while ago…
RM: Good.... What targets do you propose?
MV: I would not continue to fire at these targets, I would transfer fire to Pofalici.
RM: Don’t. Why would you do that?
MV: Well, we have fired only one salvo at them.
RM: Shoot at Velusici. At Velusici.
MV: Velesici.
RM: Velesici.
MV: Yes. Yes, sir.
RM: Shoot at Velesici and also Pofalici, there are not many Serbs there.
MV: Yes.
RM: And fire on… there, around Dobrovoljacka, around Humska street.
MV: Around Hums…
RM: And Djuro Djakovica, up there.
MV: Yes, sir.
RM: Is that clear?
MV: Yes, sir.
RM: But do artillery reconnaissance, so that they can`t sleep, to make them go out of their minds.
MV: Yes, sir.
RM: Fire another salvo on the Presidency.
MV: Yes, sir, general, sir.
RM: Good bye.


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL, 16 September 2003


MARK IERACE


Now, at any stage in 1992, did you interview General Ratko Mladić?

AERNOUT VAN LINDEN

I did, in September 1992.

MARK IERACE

Where about did that interview take place?

AERNOUT VAN LINDEN

The interview itself took place at an artillery position to the east of Sarajevo overlooking the city.

MARK IERACE

During your narration, you referred to the General saying that he held the city in his palm.

AERNOUT VAN LINDEN

He said that as we were walking there but when the cameraman was not actually filming him and me, and it was translated to me by the local producer I had with me. Apart from that, he actually tapped the palm of his hand.


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL, 12 February 2004


PHILIPPE MORILLON, former UNPROFOR commander


I was considered by all sides as a hindrance and obstacle. Mladić was telling me all the time, "What are you doing here? Let me settle my own accounts with my Turki and stop putting yourself in the way with what should be the fate of this Bosnia."

NARATOR

Many are paying the price for the continued freedom of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. For NATO and the big powers involved in Bosnia the price is a damaged reputation and suspicions about their true intentions. For the victims of crimes that Karadžić and Mladić are charged with, justice delayed is justice denied. For Bosnia and Herzegovina and for Serbia and Montenegro, the price is the postponement of integration into the European Union and NATO.

ŽARKO PAPIĆ

It is a fact that after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, Republika Srpska was under a de facto embargo when it came to international aid, financial and any other type of aid, axecpt for humanitarian aid.

PADDY ASHDOWN

In the phase where we are in now it’s not reconstruction aid that rebuilds BiH. It’s international investment. So that is coming into Sarajevo, it is coming into Mostar now; it is coming into the Federation. I can see it. It’s coming at far less volume into RS and it’s coming almost not at all into eastern RS, and there is a reason for that and the reason is Radovan Karadzzich.

MILORAD DODIK

Of course, the people are paying the highest price. I think that the people have definitely put the whole Karadžić issue behind them here. In comparison to the situation a few years ago when one could expect fierce reactions to any arrests and other actions, people today are absolutely aware of the situation in which they have become victims of an epic tale of Karadžić which has been put together by his associates.

DRAGAN KALINIĆ

The myth of Karadžić and Mladić is still present among the people, in various ways, from their pictures in homes, to evoking their names at family reunions, weddings, in songs, etc.

MIODRAG ŽIVANOVIĆ, Professor, Banja Luka Faculty of Philosophy

This is mostly the rural population and those whose basic human needs have been reduced, perhaps this is too harsh a statement, to animal needs. In other words, if a person has a sack of flour and a bottle of cooking oil, he thinks that it`s OK and that his life is grand. Such a person does not care then if sanctions are imposed because of Radovan Karadžić and others.

PADDY ASHDOWN

SFOR sometimes puts up posters. I wish SFOR might say things like: if you are not seeing the benefit of any international investment in Foca or if you are not seeing the new jobs being created, or if you are remarking that RS is visibly poorer than the Federation, there is a reason for that - and the reason is Radovan Karadzzich.

ŽELJKO KOPANJA

The average salary in the Federation is almost twice as high as in RS, pensions are 60-70 percent higher, investments are much higher in the Federation, industrial production is visibly growing, while in Republika Srpska it is actually declining.

ŽARKO PAPIĆ

I think it bears noting that objectively speaking Serbs in BH are victims of Karadžić and Mladić to a much greater extent than usually perceived, not only because they are not in The Hague, but generally speaking. I`m not making any comparisons about who suffered the most, of course, but this sense that Serbs are victims of a horrible policy is much underestimated, particularly among Serbs themselves.

MIODRAG ŽIVANOVIĆ

The smallest number of people living here thinks that we are hostages of the fact that Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić have not been arrested yet. However, this is not the critical mass required to stir up revolt, protests and to force the official RS institutions to make the moves that they should make.

ŽELJKO KOPANJA

I think that the people have been driven crazy. The people are not talking about it at all.. So thanks to the power centres and media from the other side of the Drina River, Karadžić has already entered into the songs. But the ordinary people are living in containers. The ordinary people have lost hope, the level of frustration is simply such that people no longer think about it.


PROSECUTION EXHIBIT: SREBRENICA


RATKO MLADIĆ


In order to make the decision, as a human being and as a commander, I need to have a clear position of the representatives of your people on whether you want to survive, stay or vanish. Have I made myself clear? Nesib, the future of your people is in your hands, not only on this territory. I am finished. You are free to go. I will be waiting for you at 10 tomorrow. See them out.

RADOVAN KARADŽIĆ

You have made a good point, that Srebrenica is a top story, but it should be a top story as a prime example of the superiority of Serb arms, Serb troops, and at the same time an example of Serb generosity.

RATKO MLADIĆ

All you have to do is say what you want; As I told this gentleman last nigh you can either survive or disappear.

MARK HARMON

Within three days of July 11th to July 13th the entire Muslim population of the enclave had either fled, been deported or been killed.

RADISLAV KRSTIĆ, interview with OTP investigators

The responsibility lies with the Chief of Main Staff of the RS Army, General Mladić and the officers whom he personally charged to command and control the situation in the area.

MARK HARMON

The pattern of ethnic cleansing previously perfected by the forces of Dr. Karadžić and General Mladić in the municipalities of Prijedor, Bosanski Samac, Brcko, Foca and Vlasenica achieved morbid perfection in Srebrenica.


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL, 9 October 2003


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ


Can you assume that the sense of military honour would allow General Mladić to tolerate an act such as the killing of prisoners of war or civilians or something similarly dishonourable?

RUPERT SMITH

Yes.


SLOBODAN MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL, 4 November 2003


LORD DAVID OWEN


I think there was many different elements in the character of General Mladić which made him a very ambivalent personality to determine, but I do not consider that it was beyond General Mladić`s record of behaviour to have been complicit in massacres of Muslims. I believe he was a racist, I believe that he had many quite irrational attitudes to the Muslim population, and I believe that his record as a general demonstrated that there was a callousness and a brutality about the man that would have allowed him to make decisions.

MARK HARMON

Throughout the 12th and 13th of July Muslim men were separated from their families and taken to various locations in and around Potočari, out of the sight of UN peacekeepers, where Bosnian Serb soldiers summarily executed them, while General Mladić strutted in the area falsely reassuring the refugees that nothing would happen to them. It is hard to imagine a more callous and calculated deception.

RATKO MLADIĆ

Don’t panic now, let the small children and women through, don’t let any children get lost.

MARK HARMON

General Mladić visited many of the sites where thousands of unarmed Muslim men and boys were held by the Bosnian Serb army. His message is always the same: “Hello neighbors”, followed by reassuring words that they will be soon exchanged - words that insured their pacification while they proceeded unrelactably to their doom.


GENERAL KRSTIĆ CASE APPEALS HEARING, 21 November 2003


THEODOR MERON


What do you think he meant when he said in that conversation to you - and I quote - "Those people there must be killed"? These were Mr. Karadžić`s words.

MIROSLAV DERONJIĆ

Precisely. At one point he did utter this sentence, he said, you should kill everything you could, these were his words.

LOUISE ARBOUR

So, to some extent, I think, a large part of the story has been told. But it’s not enough.
This is not a story telling business. It’s an accountability business. So at some point it will never be enough even to show that through the trial of others almost the full extent of their own culpability has been exposed. They have, the finger has to be pointed at them personally in a courtroom with an opportunity to defend themselves which of course they could always say or their supporters could always say they didn’t have in the trials where others were implicating them. So this will never be enough until they actually stand trial.

PADDY ASHDOWN

NATO is now utterly determined to do this job and utterly united and utterly committing resources to do it. The international community is deploying all the political resources that are necessary, visa bans, freezing of assets of the people who support him. The piece that’s missing in the jigsaw, if you want to blame anybody for the fact that RK is still free, is the RS authorities. They, it seems to me, have done nothing

DRAGAN KALINIĆ

I think that the problem lies in the lack of coordinated actions of SFOR and Western intelligence services and our secret police and the Ministry of the Interior.

CARLA DEL PONTE

In my humble opinion the arrest of Karadžić is not possible without the contribution of the local.

DRAGAN KALINIĆ

We call upon all those accused of war crimes to surrender because RS would thus show that it complies with its international obligations and I think that for RS it would mean that it would not be brought into question, as an entity created through the Dayton Agreement.

MILORAD DODIK

One could not really expect a political party still controlled by Karadžić which is in power now to issue an order to arrest the persons accused of war crimes. Sometimes I think that some people from the international community want to maintain chaos here, in order to remain as long as possible, drawing their huge salaries.

DRAGAN KALINIĆ

If I were to receive information about Radovan Karadžić`s whereabouts, it would be my duty, as a high-ranking RS official, to relay the information to relevant authorities. As a reflection of my confidence in my police force I would first give this information to them.

NARATOR

Despite optimistic announcements made by the NATO commander in Bosnia and the Chief Prosecutor that Karadžić would be in detention in The Hague by the end of June 2004, he is still in hiding, obviously trying to outlive the Tribunal, which is set to cease to exist in late 2008.

LOUISE ARBOUR

But it seems to me that it is virtually self-evident that you cannot let people wait you out. It will be, such an absurd concept of justice, particularly now where we are situated generally in international criminal justice, to suggest that people can just hide long enough that we give up. I think it’s totally unacceptable.

CARLA DEL PONTE

I am confident because the information we have, I think, allowed us to believe concretely that they will be in The Hague before the end of the year.

MILORAD DODIK

I think that nothing would happen if news of Radovan Karadžić`s arrest were anounced today. I think that a large part of the people, in my opinion, over 90 percent of the people would receive the news with relief. That the story has ended.

MIODRAG ŽIVANOVIĆ

The whole thing is belated, and of course the effects have been reduced greatly. Even if something were to happen on Monday, for instance if Radovan Karadžić were to appear in The Hague, this would not change anything, or at least not crucially, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Except that some would have a certain sentiment vis-ŕ-vis that act while others would feel some political euphoria, but in essence we would still have the same problems we have now.

ŽELJKO KOPANJA

A good many people would probably heave a sigh of relief because of the disastrous political and economic situation, expecting things to take a turn for the better. Others would experience frustrations, relatively short-lived, and I think that they would help the people undergo catharsis, to face the painful knowledge that Serbs too committed war crimes, just like Bosniaks and Croats.

PADDY ASHDOWN

I know how difficult this task is. So you’re not gonna get me to say by such and such a date he’ll be caught or use the other phrases, you know, the noose is tightening. I know what’s going on, I’m satisfied that we are following the policy which is best designed to catch him and I’m completely satisfied. This job isn’t gonna be over until it’s over.

MARK HARMON

In the Balkans, a part of the world where history is never forgotten, where the pain of centuries old battles is still palpable, Dr. Karadžić`s and General Mladić`s perfidious and cowardly deeds will long be remembered. What should not be remembered as well is that the world had the ability to bring these two alleged architects of genocide to justice and did nothing. It will haunt the victims and it will shame us all.

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